Movement out of adjunct clauses in Russian: Evidence from semantics

Abstract

I demonstrate that movement is possible in Russian out of adjunct clauses and correlatives, contrary to the toy theory that views them as islands. In the case of adjuncts my examples are either those of overt movement or those which as I will argue display LF movement with pronominal resumption. The latter cases will require a re-examination of Ivlieva’s (2011) “laziness” theory of pronouns bound by universal antecedents in conditionals. The observations add to the already known cases of island violation in Russian and are put into the broader context of non-canonical extraction patterns across languages.